| dbo:abstract
|
- Far-right politics in Serbia emerged shortly before the breakup of Yugoslavia and has been present ever since. Its manifestation mostly focuses on national and religious factors. After the World War I, the far-right in Yugoslavia received little amount of support, although politicians and groups alike had existed. Milan Stojadinović, a Yugoslav Serb politician, served as prime minister of Yugoslavia from 1935 to 1939 and saw fascism as an ideological role model for his premiership. Additionally, Dimitrije Ljotić headed Zbor, a party that was inspired by Italian fascism, anti-communism, and antisemitism. Ljotić also cooperated with Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović, an antisemite who also promoted anti-Western ideas. Milan Nedić, who was appointed prime minister of the puppet government in 1941, was a supporter of fascist ideas, and promoted conspiracy theories about Jews. Chetniks under Draža Mihailović, supported royalism, nationalism, and the creation of Greater Serbia within Yugoslavia. Mihailović collaborated with the Axis powers as early as in 1941, while Chetniks remained as an inspiration for modern far-right groups. After the death of Josip Broz Tito in 1980, the early 1980s recession crisis in Yugoslavia began while the League of Communists of Serbia (SKS) also began promoting ethnic nationalist views. Slobodan Milošević, who also later formed direct connections with the far-right, exploited the crisis and organized the anti-bureaucratic revolution which helped him to come to power. At the same period, the far-right re-emerged, this time in Republic of Serbia, and it garnered broader acceptance due to the Yugoslav Wars. Vojislav Šešelj and his Serbian Radical Party (SRS) gained support from the public after they used sanctions, increased inflation, and high unemployed rate in their advantage to boost their support. SRS closely cooperated with Milošević during the 1990s, although it also briefly served in opposition. Far-right organizations acted as paramilitaries and they committed violence during the Bosnian and Kosovo wars. The White Eagles, which were operated by Šešelj, were also referred as "chetniks". Far-right groups became registered movements and organizations after the Overthrow of Slobodan Milošević, and attacks orchestrated by the far-right had also risen. Due to the allegations that the government was involved in corrupt privatizations, SRS campaigned on an anti-corruption platform and topped first in the 2003 parliamentary election; it also placed first in the 2007 election. Věra Stojarová, a Masaryk University professor, said that these results showed the "high frustration of Serbs". The far-right also received further support after the series of events in 2008; they also organized protests which turned out violent. The Belgrade anti-gay riot, which occurred in October 2010, was organized by the far-right, including groups such as Obraz. The Constitutional Court later concluded a ban on Nacionalni stroj and Obraz, in 2011 and 2012 respectively. Since then, some far-right groups pacificated their actions. The far-right embraced opposition to immigration in the mid-to-late 2010s, with parties and organizations such as Dveri, Leviathan, and People's Patrol embracing the sentiment. Additionally, the far-right had seen a rise in popularity in 2020; attacks and protests by the far-right also occurred, while after the beginning of the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, far-right groups had been vocally opposed to imposing sanctions on Russia. The invasion helped pro-Russian and far-right parties to cross the threshold in the 2022 general election. The far-right in Serbia could be divided into the Christian right and neo-Nazi variants. In general, far-right groups can also be antisemitic and Islamophobic, while they also often promote conspiracy theories. Far-right groups and individuals often glorify convicted war criminals like Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić, while some groups also called for rehabilitation of collaborationists Milan Nedić and Dimitrije Ljotić. Violent protests or attacks against ethnic minorities and the LGBT community had been conducted by far-right groups. The far-right promotes anti-Western sentiment and Euroscepticism, while they support closer ties with Russia. They orchestrated attacks against activists and non-governmental organizations, and they frequently label them as "foreign mercenaries". Additionally, the far-right promotes anti-communism, militarism and religious fanaticism. Far-right groups have ties with the Serbian Orthodox Church (SPC), they also promote patriarchal values, and support the return of Kosovo's sovereignty under Serbia. They also use the Serbian eagle and variants of crosses as their symbols. Numerous far-right groups emerged in Serbia, such as I live for Serbia, Nacionalni stroj, Obraz, People's Patrol, and SNP 1389, while some had also turned into political parties like Dveri, Leviathan, and Serbian Party Oathkeepers (SSZ). The unemployed working-class youth is often recruited by far-right groups; the far-right tends to present themselves as "patriotic" groups or as humanitarian organizations. Far-right groups stayed small in number and has been institutionally marginal, although Internet pages and groups that promote far-right content had received large amounts of following. According to 2010 and 2011 reports, newspapers such as Glas javnosti, Večernje novosti, and Pravda were mainly associated with far-right politics. The Serbian far-right made impacts on the ideological views of domestic terrorists such as Anders Behring Breivik and Brenton Tarrant. (en)
|
| rdfs:comment
|
- Far-right politics in Serbia emerged shortly before the breakup of Yugoslavia and has been present ever since. Its manifestation mostly focuses on national and religious factors. After the World War I, the far-right in Yugoslavia received little amount of support, although politicians and groups alike had existed. Milan Stojadinović, a Yugoslav Serb politician, served as prime minister of Yugoslavia from 1935 to 1939 and saw fascism as an ideological role model for his premiership. Additionally, Dimitrije Ljotić headed Zbor, a party that was inspired by Italian fascism, anti-communism, and antisemitism. Ljotić also cooperated with Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović, an antisemite who also promoted anti-Western ideas. Milan Nedić, who was appointed prime minister of the puppet government in 1941, w (en)
|
.jpg){kind=link}
.jpg){kind=link}
.jpg){kind=link}
